A percepção social sobre a Justiça
Crescimento econômico em conjunturas políticas desfavoráveis?
the past fifteen years, or has India’s rise occurred in spite of the political
forces militating against economic growth? On the face of it, the
picture of India’s success being “In Spite of the Gods,” to use Edward
Luce’s phrase, appears quite compelling (Luce 2008). Over the sixty
years since it gained independence from British rule, the Indian political
system has changed almost as dramatically as its more-heralded
economic system.
The principal political change has not been to India’s democratic
framework. That has remained intact. Rather, if one were to use a single
word to describe the modern Indian political system it would have to
be “fragmentation.” After continuous rule at the Center and in most
states by the Congress Party, today’s political system finds a multitude
of regional- and state-level political parties in power or in the position
of kingmaker as tenuous coalition governments are assembled.1
The effects of this are easy to see in the political arena: virulent
anti-incumbency tendencies and high electoral volatility, which in turn
affects the quality of governance and types of public policies enjoyed
by citizens.2 At the national level (or Centre), the rise of regional parties
and the increasing inability of the “national” parties such as the
Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to compete all over the
country have made coalition governments a fact of modern Indian
political life.
1 The fragmentation of the Indian political system is documented by
Chhibber and Nooruddin (2000), and explained by Pradeep Chhibber and
Kenneth Kollman (1998, 2004).
2 Linden (2004) and Nooruddin and Chhibber (2008) focus on anti-incumbency
and electoral volatility respectively. Chhibber and Nooruddin (2004) show that
Indian states characterized by multi-party competition provide lower levels of
public services to citizens than those with robust two-party competition ...
Irfan Nooruddin
Excerpt
A implacável lógica da política brasileira
A convergência da desigualdade
Brasil em Desenvolvimento: Estado, Planejamento e Políticas Públicas
b) avaliação de políticas setoriais específicas implementadas com vistas à competitividade do país, bem como avaliação dos ganhos possíveis em inovação tecnológica;
c) dimensão e opções do engajamento recente do país no cenário das relações políticas internacionais;
d) democratização e consolidação de valores republicanos dentro do Estado a partir da abertura crescente de espaços institucionais à participação da sociedade civil; e
e) investigações críticas e propositivas sobre o uso de métodos de avaliação de políticas públicas.
ALICERCES PARA A PROSPERIDADE ECONÔMICA
Para Além da Crise: um novo padrão de crescimento?
Fundamentos Macroeconômicos: gasto público, câmbio e inflação
Pobres pagam mais impostos que ricos, aponta Ipea
Brazil's north-east Catching up in a hurry
The country’s poorest region is narrowing the gap with the prosperous south
“Right now, the north-east is one big building site,” says Fernando Bezerra Coelho, the federal integration minister. The government is investing heavily in public works, including widening the Atlantic coastal highway. But the main source of growth is the port and industrial complex of Suape, which is being expanded to handle bigger ships. A petrochemical plant, the southern hemisphere’s biggest shipyard and a refinery owned by Petrobras, the state-controlled oil company, are under construction. Over 100 firms have moved in, lured by tax incentives and what should be excellent transport links. Fiat is spending 3 billion reais on a car factory nearby.The region’s new-found buying power is attracting firms. Earlier this month Kraft Foods opened its first factory in the area, making chocolate and powdered drinks. Sudene, a government regional-development agency, has helped to finance 52 malls in the north-east since 2006. And migrants from the north-east are coming back home to work. Pão de Açúcar, a supermarket chain, is expanding in the region, and offering north-eastern natives working in its other stores the chance to transfer.
Coluna Econômica - 19/05/2011
Na Folha de ontem, o ex-Ministro Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira despediu-se mais uma vez do PSDB, partido que ajudou a fundar e a irrigar com suas ideias.
Bresser foi das figuras máximas do partido. Começou sua militância no governo Montoro, ajudou a criar a mística dos pacotes econômicos, foi um Ministro da Fazenda sério de um governo (Sarney) fraco. Depois, como Ministro da Administração do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, tentou colocar em prática novos conceitos, novos projetos. Em vão.
***
O lento divórcio de Bresser do PSDB se deu ali, quando sua usina de ideias esbarrou no deserto de vontade de FHC. Lembro-me, na época de ter escrito uma coluna sobre o engenheiro (Mário Covas) e o sociólogo (FHC), um, governador de São Paulo; outro, presidente da República.
A alma do PSDB – como reforça Bresser em seu artigo – estava em personalidades como Montoro e Covas.
Hoje em dia é possível apontar um conjunto de vulnerabilidades no governo Covas. A ânsia do ajuste fiscal promoveu um desmonte na estrutura do estado de São Paulo. Órgãos formuladores de políticas de longo prazo – como a Fundap e a Fundação Seada, a Cepam – foram praticamente abandonados. A Fundação Seade foi submetida à influência nefasta de Arnaldo Madeira.
Depois do ajuste inicial, havia indícios fortes de que o segundo governo Covas seria o da reconstrução. Morreu antes.
***
Morto, o PSDB perdeu sua maior referência. Em que consistia a imagem pública de Covas? Era cabeçudo, teimoso que nem o diabo, mas racional. Curvava-se ante um bom argumento. Principalmente, passa a sensação permanente de trabalhar pelo bem comum. Havia a vontade férrea de construir, deixar algo. Mais: havia um senso de lealdade ao partido e a princípios que faziam a diferença, davam o eixo para o partido.
Nas piores crises do titubeante governo FHC, os olhares do país se voltavam para o Palácio Bandeirantes, como um referencial.
***
A morte de Covas tirou esse referencial do bem comum que marcava o partido. Lembro-me na campanha de 2006 entrevistando o candidato Geraldo Alckmin. Disse-me ele que um dos principais conselhos dados por Covas era para toda semana se juntar ao povo para sentir suas necessidades, exercício ao qual – segundo Covas – nem FHC nem José Serra eram afeitos.
***
O segundo pecado fatal do PSDB foi ter aberto mão dos formuladores. Pessoas que traziam idéias ou slogans eficientes – como Bresser, os irmãos Mendonça de Barros – foram deixados de lado, ante o personalismo medíocre e imobilizante de Serra. Não se renovaram as lideranças, não se renovaram as idéias.
***
No começo dos anos 2.000, pensadores como Delfim Netto e o próprio Bresser-Pereira alertavam que, quando o PT deixava de lado a retórica revolucionária, ocuparia o lugar do PSDB junto aos setores de centro-esquerda – o próprio Bresser recorda essa predição em seu artigo.
Talvez mesmo sendo conduzido por lideranças mais responsáveis, o partido tivesse dificuldades em se situar no novo quadro.
Hoje, é um conjunto de lembranças boas – Covas, Montoro, o próprio Bresser -, ultrapassadas – FHC – e destrutivas – Serra.
Blog: www.luisnassif.com.br
E-mail: luisnassif@advivo.com.br
Meritocracia
AÉCIO BUSCA OS POLÍTICOS
http://sergyovitro.blogspot.com/2011/05/melchiades-filho-consciencia-de-classe.html
Nem os mais próximos acham que Aécio Neves está botando pra quebrar no Senado. Mesmo antes do caso do bafômetro, ele andou murcho. Como se pesasse nos ombros a constatação de que, enfim, depois de tanta briga dentro do PSDB, a candidatura da oposição em 2014 será mesmo a dele.
Aos poucos, porém, o ex-governador de Minas Gerais emplaca a agenda que lhe interessa, o "novo pacto federativo": estadualização de rodovias federais, compensações financeiras aos municípios, orçamento impositivo na área da segurança, redução dos mecanismos que permitem ao Planalto administrar tudo por decreto etc.
São temas de escasso apelo popular. O governador de Pernambuco até zombou. "Esse debate, sobre se a presidente pode ou não editar medidas provisórias, vai encantar alguém lá na feira de Caruaru?".
Mas são temas que soam como música para os milhares de prefeitos que marcharam a Brasília na semana passada e não arrancaram de Dilma contrapartida significativa para a queda abrupta de receitas.
Música, também, para os partidos da base aliada, atônitos com a multiplicação de cargos do PT.
Música, ainda, para um Congresso repetidamente subjugado por uma presidente que não sabe e não admite perder -como se viu na nova lei do salário mínimo e se vê na tramitação do Código Florestal.
Aécio julga difícil conquistar corações e mentes enquanto o governo estiver forte. Sabe que sua chance de vencer em 2014 depende do desgaste de Dilma e da marca PT.
Por isso adia a fusão PSDB-DEM, à espera de conjuntura que faça dessa união uma janela de infidelidade dos governistas descontentes -uma espécie de PSD às avessas.
FHC havia exortado a oposição a buscar a nova classe média, os eleitores emergentes ainda não seduzidos pelo discurso lulo-petista.
Aécio joga para outra classe média, a dos políticos, uma gente por vezes sem voz, mas com voto.
melchiades.filho@grupofolha.com.br
Lincoln Captured!
Photography was a fluid technique in 1861, in every sense. It had made rapid strides since the first inchoate smudges of a backyard in France were captured in 1826, the year that Jefferson and Adams died. (That first photo, locked in a vault in Texas, can be seen here.)
Improvements followed fast and furious; the daguerreotype in 1839; the ambrotype in 1851; the tintype in 1856. The United States had no shortage of tinkerers, and like characters in Hawthorne short story, these wizards drew from science, experimenting with bits of silver, iodine and even egg whites to cheat nature out of her secrets. Hawthorne placed a daguerreotypist in “The House of the Seven Gables,” and like many other writers, believed that there was something supernatural about creating perfect portraits — “ghosts,” in his words — that would live on long after death. Who needs vampires?
The process of creating ghosts was messy and slow. Photographers were artists as well as scientists, and many of the earliest pioneers, like Samuel F. B. Morse, were painters, deeply enamored with the human form. An early student of Morse’s, a failed painter with terrible vision named Mathew Brady, borrowed from both science and art as he established a thriving photography business in New York and Washington.
For Lincoln, this dark technology was a godsend. Despite his penchant for making fun of his appearance, Lincoln knew that his “phiz” was instantly recognizable, all the more so after hair began to appear on it. And recognizability was an asset when all known facts relating to the government of the United States were up for grabs. Presidents have to be everywhere and nowhere at the same time; highly visible to the public on certain stage-managed occasions, and then quite invisible when there is work to be done. (It is still the same in 2011, when there is always an effervescent “Photo of the Day” on the White House Web site.) In the early months of his presidency, Lincoln more than tolerated his photographers; he intuitively understood that they were helping him a great deal as he tried to give the Union a face — his own.
Over the spring of 1861, as the new government came into focus, so did Lincoln. It was natural that he would be drawn to Mathew Brady, the self-made man whose studio was just down Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House. Lincoln said, “Brady and the Cooper Institute made me president.” For on the same day that he gave the great Cooper Union address, in February 1860, he did something just as significant when he stopped at Brady’s New York studio for a likeness.
Brady, the former painter, was not averse to certain forms of retouching (he made Lincoln’s neck less scrawny by artificially enlarging his collar), and the result was a surprisingly normal-looking candidate. Not a savage from the wilds of Illinois, or a baboon, as he was often called, but a reasonable facsimile of a human being. That image was widely disseminated during the tumultuous campaign, as Americans by the thousands bought small buttons with his tintyped image affixed to them.
But that was then, in the distant antebellum. Now that war had broken out, Americans needed to see their president as he actually looked that spring. In an age that was tiring of romantic clichés and simply wanted facts, the photograph was emerging as the portrait of choice. So Lincoln came to Brady. Repeatedly. He did so as soon as he arrived in Washington in late February, taking a photograph just after the wild train journey that brought him to the White House. That image was widely disseminated in Harper’s Weekly on April 27. And he did so again in May, most likely on May 16, thanks to recent research. In 2003, Thomas F. Schwartz discovered that an artist named Arthur Lumley had drawn Lincoln in the act of being photographed (one form of art capturing another), and had written the date “May 16/61” at the bottom of the page.
The images that resulted from that session, his first serious sitting as president, are striking. This is not a teller of jokes, or an escapee from the back woods. What the English journalist William Howard Russell called his “wild republican hair” has been subdued and rests in place. He sits regally in an elegant chair – a chair, in fact, that Lincoln had given to Brady, after having rescued it from the House of Representatives. It was likely his former chair when he was a representative. The mood is somber, serious, and intense at times. He is no longer a mere politician — this is the president of the United States.
John Hay LibraryA painting of President Lincoln posing for the photographer Mathew Brady.
These six images, presented above courtesy of the Meserve-Kunhardt Foundation, show a variety of moods and shadings. They show him standing and sitting, in profile and staring straight at the camera and the nation behind it. One striking image shows him deep in thought, seated like the Rodin sculpture “The Thinker,” which would not be cast until 1902. He was perhaps reflecting on the great message to the American people that he was in the act of writing, which would be released on July 4. It is impossible to know, precisely, which problem he was thinking about — he had more than his share.
But in all of these photographs, there is one trait that dominates. There is no equivocation. The Lincoln that emerges from the shadows is a force of nature, who looks like he could break an assailant in half. John Hay wrote of his ability to overwhelm a visitor: “He looked through the man to the buttons on the back of his coat.” We feel that force in these images, particularly in the photograph that is broken, almost as if by the strain of trying to capture him. In so many other portraits, Lincoln displays the passive body language of a man of peace, responding to events rather than initiating them. Here he leans forward, taut, belligerent. This is no spectator.
Of course, he was never captured entirely. Many contemporaries wrote of the inadequacy of his portraits. John Nicolay said it perfectly:
Graphic art was powerless before a face that moved through a thousand delicate gradations of line and contour, light and shade, sparkle of the eye and curve of the lip, in the long gamut of expression from grave to gay, and back again from the rollicking jollity of laughter to that serious, far-away look that with prophetic intuitions beheld the awful panorama of war, and heard the cry of oppression and suffering. There are many pictures of Lincoln; there is no portrait of him.
Walt Whitman wrote something similar:
Probably the reader has seen physiognomies (often old farmers, sea captains, and such) that, behind their homeliness, or even ugliness, held superior points so subtle, yet so palpable, making the real life of their faces almost as impossible to depict as a wild perfume or fruit taste, or a passionate tone of the living voice — and such was Lincoln’s face, the peculiar color, the lines of it, the eyes, mouth expression. Of technical beauty it had nothing — but to the eye of a great artist it furnished a rare study, a feast and fascination. The current portraits are all failures — most of them caricatures.
But on this May day in 1861, he came closer than usual. Between the White House and the Capitol, Lincoln and Brady advanced the idea of representative democracy in their own way, by representing the leader of the government to the American people. In so doing, they created six indelible images of a nation girding itself for the struggle to come.
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Sources: James Mellon, “The Face of Lincoln”; Philip B. Kunhardt III, Peter W. Kunhardt, Peter W. Kunhardt, Jr., “Lincoln, Life-Size”; Philip B. Kunhardt III, Peter W. Kunhardt, Peter W. Kunhardt, Jr., “Looking for Lincoln”; Philip B. Kunhardt III, Peter W. Kunhardt, Peter W. Kunhardt, Jr., “Lincoln: An Illustrated Biography”; Charles Hamilton and Lloyd Ostendorf, “Lincoln in Photographs: An Album of Every Known Pose”; Mary Panzer, “Mathew Brady and the Image of History”; Mary Panzer, “Mathew Brady”; Roy Meredith, “Mr. Lincoln’s Camera Man: Mathew B. Brady”; Stefan Lorant, “Lincoln: His Life in Photographs”; Merry A. Foresta and John Wood, “Secrets of the Dark Chamber: The Art of the American Daguerreotype”; Thomas F. Schwartz, “A Mystery Solved: Arthur Lumley’s Sketch of Abraham Lincoln” (Journal of Illinois History, Autumn 2003); Walt Whitman, “Specimen Days.”
Her Majesty the President of Brazil
O que têm em comum o Afeganistão, Gibraltar e a Vanuatu, na Melanésia? O regime eleitoral. O Brasil poderia adentrar esta liga caso adote o chamado distritão. Seria junto com o Afeganistão o único país - não protetorado ou ilhota - a adotar o Voto Único Não Transferível. O exotismo de um sistema eleitoral para muitos é razão suficiente para sua não adoção, mas o sistema já foi utilizado no Japão no pós-guerra, e há uma unanimidade na sua avaliação: atomiza, elitiza e corrompe a representação. O Brasil utiliza um sistema incomum: a votação proporcional com lista aberta (RPLA). Em geral, ignoram-se as razões que levaram o país a adotar este sistema no início da década de 30.